Yeah, I’m back off in this b– one more time

To drop this rhyme, about where my roots at

Yeah, Westside is in the house

Frazier Homes is in the house

Cloverdale is in the house

And Savannah, GA is in the house, so check it…

Big Boi, “West Savannah”

Dedication for this paper is owed to the nearly 1,000 African ancestors who were stolen from their homelands, forced to toil on the Major Butler plantation, and then torn from each other again during what would later be known as The Weeping Time: the largest slave auction in American history and the historical guidepost for this paper, eventuating in Savannah, Georgia in 1859. I would be remiss if I had not offered this dedication after unearthing the violent details of this buried indictment on the city’s history. This paper is thus also an attempt to elucidate the crucial role the ancestors have played in the survival of Black society in Savannah. The guidequote lyrics demonstrate the secondary inspiration and dedication: Black culture in Savannah, Outkast specifically. Aquemini, released in 1998- along with their debut album Southernplayalisticadillacmuzik- marked the explosion of Southern hip-hop into the mainstream rap market, so it is no coincidence short of divine/ancestral intervention that “West Savannah” (my primary source) appeared on this album and not their debut as planned. The song follows Antwon “Big Boi” Patton’s childhood growing up in Frazier Homes, one of the neighborhoods in West Savannah affected/constructed by the city’s foundational history of colonialism and one of its modern, socioeconomic derivatives: redlining.

Relevant Terms and Concepts

As with most terms concerning racism and colonialism, redlining is rather simplified in common parlance. While many (Americans) know it as the process whereby banks/lenders refuse loans to people considered poor financial risks (signifying racial and socioeconomic biases), it also describes the concomitant herding of minority communities into unsafe rental units, ghettoes, and public housing as well as the stonewall of investment into said communities, causing economic regression; food deserts; lack of public services such as healthcare facilities, parks, schooling, etc.; and the proliferation of the underground economy as the primary vehicle for simultaneous economic activity/mobility and regression/seizure (“Slump”). Big Boi raps about how this coincides with the fact that most legal economic activity by residents occurs outside the community, reinforcing and reinscribing the neighborhood’s socioeconomic status. Whether or not he knew at the time that the life he was forced to endure resulted from redlining, it is important to site the historical precedent for this process at ecocolonialism, or the nexus of ecoterrorism and colonialism: in this paper, ecoterrorism refers to the use of ecological/environmental violence for sociopolitical ends, and meeting colonialism it creates ecocolonialism, which is the colonial violence enacted on indigenous, including Black, peoples’ relationship to their land (cultural ecology) and each other (social ecology). Thus, it is made apparent the politico-historical reinscription of ecocolonialism in redlining, and this is the angle through which I have come to analyze the information presented in my sources. 

Coosaponakeesa (Mary Musgrove)

Because of the way this nation has developed with the exploitation of African labour and the maintenance of an internal colony, Blacks and other non-white peoples are oppressed both as members of the working class and as a racial nationality… By struggling for their human and civil rights they ultimately come into confrontation with the entire Capitalist system, not just individual racists or regions of the country. The truth soon becomes apparent: Blacks cannot get their freedom under this system because, based on historically uneven competition, Capitalist exploitation is inherently racist.

Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin, “Anarchism and the Black Revolution”

Coosaponakeesa, or Mary Musgrove, was daughter to both the Creek (mother) and British (father), as well as the cousin of Tomochichi, chief of the Yamacraw tribe inhabiting the bluff on which James Oglethorpe would land in 1733. This first section uses the historiography of Coosaponakeesa to expose the city’s foundational imperative of indigenous erasure. My two (relatively incongruous) biographical sources- from the Native History Association (Heape) and the Georgia Historical Society (Hahn)- reflect the juxtaposing native and colonial epistemes which she navigated. The main materialization of ecocolonial violence presented here (both in the historiographical content itself and through its making and circulation) is the use of English law- sociopolitical, cultural, and metaphysical- to erase indigeneity. 

Born in 1700 to a Wind Clan mother and English trader father, Coosaponakeesa spent about the first decade of her life with her native tribe in Coweta (now Macon, Georgia) before being sent to South Carolina to live with her father. As such, she spent much of her life a native woman with English laws and knowledge systems imposed onto her in much the same way that her existence most likely came into being (Hahn 2015; Heape). As desolate as the reality may be, the complete absence from the historical record of how her parents came into contact, with no mention of sustained contact, could suggest the historical precedent that most (arguably all due to the politics of “consent”) mixed-race indigenous children born in the colonial era were products of rape. This contextualization, coupled with her role as interpreter between Tomochichi and Oglethorpe during Savannah’s founding, presents her as not just the physical juncture between native and colonial worlds in a socio -political and -historical context but also the metaphysical juncture between native and colonial worlds under a racialized-British episteme, both in service to an insatiable colonial expansion. In other words, Coosaponakeesa’s interpretation services- literally bridging Yamacraw and British worlds- and British loyalty collaborated with her racial status in delineating British interests and erasing indigeneity from the region, albeit unbeknownst to her and her kin at the time. This is but the first act in her life story that displayed indigenous erasure as both a prelude to and facet of the revisionism foundational to American history (historiography). 

Despite being half-white and politically crucial as the Muskogean-English interpreter in Oglethorpe’s relationship with Tomochichi, allowing him to turn the tribe’s eponymous bluff into the city of Savannah, Coosaponakeesa’s status did not save her from the anti-indigenous, misogynistic British law. It is no exaggeration to suggest that had she not been both the kin of Tomochichi and an English(-blooded) subject, Savannah- the first city of what would become Georgia- would not have “flourished without warfare and accompanying hardship that burdened many of America's early colonies,” yet the erasure of both Yamacraw kinship/history and hers was precisely the vehicle for colonization and ecoterrorism to smother the region (Visit Savannah). While the 1733 Treaty of Savannah stipulated that the Yamacraw would live in the wetlands to the west of Savannah, “under the Crown… at peace with the settlers, while reserving their own separate lands and government,” (Oglethorpe’s Treaty 2003), the GHS notes that by the late 1740s, Coosaponakeesa’s and other Creek “lands were under renewed threat as the colony began growing.” The NHA and GHS cite two critical events as the causes for her souring of relations with the colony: Britain’s refusal to compensate her interpretation services- which they had compensated her first husband for, whose exact job she had taken when he died- and recognize the “thousands of acres of land along the Savannah River and, Sapelo, Ossabaw, and St. Catherine's islands off the Georgia coast” given to her by the Creek, the latter transgression rightfully interpreted by the Creek as an insult to their sovereignty. According to British law, as a Native woman she could not claim this land both because women could not own property and British individuals (i.e. her husband) could not accept land grants from Natives. Most importantly, the British simply did not respect or acknowledge indigeneity as a mode-of-being/way-of-living; in other words, the “respect” afforded to Native land claims were in writing only- as evidenced by their breach of contract with many other tribes- especially because this “respect” for sovereignty cannot coexist with land theft, bloodless or not. Coosaponakeesa learned the hard way that tip-toeing the line between the Colonized/Colonizer dichotomy whether through wealth, blood quantum, or social mobility, would always end in peril for the former (although the British finally eventually recognized St. Catherine’s Island, and no other land, as hers in 1759; it was inherited by her widowed husband).   

Coosaponakeesa’s Creek relatives were not afforded the minimal/liminal luxury of social mobility that she enjoyed. In 1750, within a decade of Chief Tomochichi’s death, the ban on slavery was lifted in the colony and his people’s lands in the West were redistributed to the colonies. While the Revolutionary War and British occupation of the area in the late 1770s ensured little economic development, by 1782 the 1000-acre Vale Royal Plantation was established in the wetlands;

After independence, Savannah flourished. Soon, farmers discovered that the soil was rich and the climate favorable for cultivation of cotton and rice. Plantations and slavery became highly profitable systems for whites in the neighboring "Lowcountry" of South Carolina. So Georgia, the free colony, legalized slavery (Visit Savannah).

Daphney’s Baby

Grandmama: Keisha, Keisha! Cut that loud mess off, you hear all that thunderin' and lightnin', and get off that telephone!

Keisha: Ugh, alright

Child 1: Grandmama, what’s all that noise?

Child 2: I’m scared

Grandmama: Baby, don’t be scared. It's gonna be alright. It’s just the Lord doin' His work, okay?

Outkast, “Da Art of Storytellin’ (Pt. 1)”

I was born in southeast Savannah in late October, surrounded by the warmth of the city. By contrast, February and March are the only cold “winter” months for southeast Georgia; in 1859 during the few days that these two months convene, rain battered the region making for an especially bitter week. It was then that nearly 450 slaves were brought to the Ten Broeck Race Course in the northwest corner of the town to be sold off in the largest auction of slaves in American history. While this section will provide a brief historical overview of the event, it (and the next section) will also examine the materialization of (eco)colonial violence against Black people and our indigeneity in the region, using the historical record of Daphney and her baby as a springboard for critical-historical analysis and a reflection/foregrounding of current conditions vis-à-vis redlining. 

Ten Broeck Race Course (also known as “Oglethorpe’s Race Track”) was previously part the Vale Royal Plantation, the first of its kind in the town, which helped elevate Savannah to the globalized economic powerhouse it was to become by the 19th century (DeGraft-Hanson 2010; Savannah Unit, et.al 1943). While the course was initially used for driving, it was refurbished for horse-racing by C.A.L Lamar in 1857. (Un)Coincidentally, Lamar was also the main proprietor of the Wanderer- the penultimate slave ship to bring Africans to the US in 1858, illegally smuggling 409 surviving (out of 500 total) Africans from the Kongo to Jekyll Island, (only 10 minutes from where I grew up); he would later be tried and acquitted in 1860. He was also the president of the Savannah Jockey Club and the last Confederate killed in the Civil War. These events are not directly related to the slave auction, but exhibit the contemporaneous insidiousness of antiBlackness, with the American culture of the antebellum South being one of staunch and explicit anti-abolitionism. 

Mortimer Thomson provides the only contemporaneous and first-hand account of the sale, and while publications like The Atlantic and PBS praise his article for being a supposed searing indictment of slavery as fuel for abolitionism and antiracism; it was neither. In fact, both publications actively avoid the blatant racism that undergirds Thomson’s report and indeed taints his journalism. For example, in his report, the slaves are identified as originating from the same Kongolese coast as the slaves smuggled on the Wanderer: 

There were no light mulattoes in the whole lot of the Butler stock, but very few that were even a shade removed from the original Congo blackness [emphasis added]. They have been little defiled by the admixture of Anglo-Saxon blood… a point in their favor in the eyes of the buyer as well as physiologically, for too liberal an infusion of the blood of the dominant race brings a larger intelligence… (Thomson 6).

He goes on to further use blood quantum in pro-slavery terms by saying that the pure Kongo blood ensures ignorance on the concept of “liberty” among the slaves. Beyond this explicit antiBlackness in the metaphysical realm, it is reinscribed within the sociopolitical realm as well: DeGraft-Hanson, a Ghanaian immigrant, recognized Ghanaian and Akan names in Malcolm Bell's Major Butler's Legacy: Five Generations of a Slaveholding Family (DeGraft-Hanson 2010). Thomson’s insistence to nationalize the slaves in order to make an observation about their proclivity for labor- and being later disproven- highlights the racist taint on his journalistic integrity through this (metaphysical) flattening of blackness based on skintone. In other words, the idea of the “blood of a dominant race” is literal scientific racism and concomitant with the idea of “pure-blooded negroes” in producing a (historiograpical) literary picture of African (and thus Negro) primitvity. Therefore, use of his report will be limited for fear of reifying antiBlackness; however, he is the primary source for the auction. 

The carelessness with which Major Butler handled his slaves’ lodging was indicative of his (non)value of their labor, transporting and warehousing them “like brutes” with the only accommodations provided upon arrival being the sheds primarily used for horses and carriages, “without any more attention to their comfort than was necessary to prevent their becoming ill and unusable.” This presented an especially violent and potentially fatal situation for Daphney, who had just given birth on Valentine’s Day and been confined for illness since then. However, she was still shipped to Savannah where she, her husband, and three year old child lived in the sheds for a week, and the next week hundreds of speculators and buyers poked, prodded, and provoked them before the auction itself began. This was not enough provocation, though, as Daphney and her baby, simply for being covered in a shawl were subject to a string of very “indecent and obscene” derision by the “crowd of chivalrous Southern gentlemen.” It was not until after they had already caused a raucous that Mr. Walsh, the auctioneer, explained her illness and denied any “practise [of] deception in the case,” thus justifying the need for her shawl lest she becomes ill and unusable (19). What is interesting here is not the fact that the crowd derided her for covering herself- as unbridled access to the slave body was obviously foundational to the practice- but rather the contradictory position of the black female body. It is very clear that the slave market required of its laborers the utmost strength and endurance, but the female slave was also bred to the physical limit to deliver both free labor and property. Thus, recounting a conversation Thomson had heard between two buyers,

“Well, Colonel, I seen you looking sharp at shoemaker Bill’s Sally. Going to buy her?”

“Well, major, I think not. Sally’s a good, big, strapping gal, and can do a heap o’work; but it’s five years since she had any children. She’s done breeding, I reckon.”
(Thomson 12)

Thus the master exploited the manual and maternal labor of the female slave, expecting her to both toil in the fields and add to his stock, even if the latter complicated the former, but then punished and derided her when such a complication interfered with the grotesque institution. As such, Thomson praised Daphney for taking a “tender interest in Mr. Butler’s affairs” by giving birth before the sale, allowing Butler more profit, but the buyers reprimanded her because she needed a shawl for her post-partum illness, which disallowed their ability to assess her proclivity/ability for manual and sexual labor. Furthermore, her children (especially the newborn) provide a glimpse into the conditions (nonexistence) of “childhood” within slavery. Valued at $100 to Mr. Butler and sold for $625, the 2 week old newborn was thrust into the politico-economic market as a product, as nothing.

This literary portrait of the sale of Daphney is meant to illustrate the erasure of Blackness (both as a mode-of-being/way-of-living and from the historical record) to an even more violent degree than with Coosaponakeesa, for Daphney nor her children could ever be considered citizens or subjects of the Crown even through miscegenation, and even if she had managed to escape the plantation, the presence of legally-enforced slave catchers in Georgia begins with Savannah’s founding. The Yamacraw assured, in the 1733 Treaty,

And we the Head Men for ourselves and People do promise to apprehend and secure any Negro or other slave which shall run away from any of the English Settlements to our Nation and to carry them either to this Town or the Savannah or Pallachuckala Garrison and there to deliver him up to the Commander of such Garrison and to be paid by him four Blankets or two Guns or the value thereof in other goods… And in case we or our people should kill any such slave for resistance or Running away from us in apprehending him then we are to be paid One Blanket for his head by any Trader we shall carry such Slaves head unto. (Treaty of Savannah)

Thereby the British, and later Americans, with the aid of nonBlack natives, inscribed not only the spatial and historical location of Blackness in the region, but also the only recognizable form of labor from indigenous peoples: only rewarding the Yamacraw (and most other native tribes) for violence against other native tribes and European powers in service of colonialism and the maintenance of the African slave labor system, while rewarding no form of African labor. This is sociohistorically contactual with White America reappropriating Black labor well into the 21st century. Slave labor sustained the Port of Savannah- built in 1744 for cotton and tobacco export- that would develop the city into a global economic powerhouse by the end of the 19th century, with sharecropping and the 13th amendment ensuring the survival of slavery and thus the port’s continued domination after “emancipation” (and Visit Savannah simply exclaiming cotton was king again!). At the same time, 

A plethora of plants and factories established themselves along the riverfront like the Savannah Sugar Refinery, Mutual Fertilizer Company, Hilton Dodge Lumber Company, and the American Can Company. The Central of Georgia Railways and the ports were also large employers back in the early 1900s. This growth of industry brought stable, long term jobs for families across racial lines, although, ‘often industrial plants hired African Americans as laborers at low pay’ (Grovenstein 2021),

West Savannah, Hudson Hill, and Woodsville became the primary neighborhoods for white and Black working-class residents, with Black residents enduring poorer housing. Desegregation saw the mass exodus of whites into contemporarily built suburbs and the simultaneous rise of the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) using redlining maps to advise bank lenders. According to Grovenstein, a combination of factors (common to industrial towns across the country with a significant Black labor force) led to the ghetto-fying of the area: White Flight and concomitant race riots, economic turmoil heightened by the effects of the Great Depression, shut-down of factories primarily hiring Black laborers, and the concomitant Great Migration caused by all of these events. With the creation of ghettos and “at-risk” neighborhoods, we have reached the modern manifestation of ecocolonialism in the city: redlining.

Glory Be, Are We Free?

Savannah, Georgia sits at an extremely crucial nexus of social, political, and theological histories that concertedly buttressed the African slave labor system; as such, it is also an epicenter for both legal and extralegal means of racial terror, from lynchings to bombings and restrictive covenants to eminent domain. Although gratuitous violence is the defining characteristic of Blackness due to this history, these violent acts are still oftentimes motivated by a purpose: redlining. The insidious history of such a practice necessitates solutions that could be expounded upon ad nauseaum; however, this paper focuses on more practical solutions that we as individuals can take without the necessary capital, power, or overall capability to initiate any sort of international campaign for new worldbuilding through land-back initiatives and anticolonial destruction, at least not anytime soon. As evidenced in the three primary reference texts, reparations and redlining- as government-backed, national practices- are politically correlative, finding their birthplace in Savannah, GA, but the debate for the former has been stripped of its original purpose: freed Africans reclaiming both our land and labor (and thus bodily autonomy), not financial capital as is the primary discourse today. The reorientation of this discourse to its original foundation, set by Rev. Garrison Frazier of the First African Baptist Church, allows for a richer and more fruitful conversation on Black liberation.

Sherman’s March to the Sea and its historical record- mainly of that taught in the Georgia school curriculum- is indicative of the abject exclusion from humanity and citizenship that enslaved Africans experienced. While my home state’s schools and history textbooks solely represent this event as a heroic feat of Union triumph on par with Greek epics, not only did the slave refugees who followed this march experience turmoil and death at the hands of Sherman’s racism, but also the effects of his campaign directly informed the federal government’s contemporary stance on reparations and redlining. His march began in Atlanta then trailed southeast to Savannah, following a scorched earth policy: burning Confederate military and anything else that did not move. In destroying all the plantations, infrastructure, and transportation networks, though, they left thousands of slaves stranded in search of freedom now that the locational locus of their oppression was levelled. The North knew Sherman to be an unsympathetic racist who saw slaves as a political impediment, both in his campaign and the larger political theatre as he likely did not even support emancipation. In one instance, he left the trailing thousands of refugees stranded across a flooded river to either swim, drown, get trampled, or be captured by the encroaching Confederate soldiers (Berry & Harris 157). If the lauded figure of the heroic slave-freeing, Confederate-killing, and Union-busting Major-General did not actually care to free the slaves- and more than simply performing along political lines for the North, he also satiated his own desire to perform antiBlackness even if it risked his political performance- then who did care to free the slaves?

There are individual and small-scale cases of reparations for chattel slavery dating back to the 18th century but the disproportion (and indistinction) between Black pain and White redress, as well as the absence of Black wealth due to White “plunder,” have created a country in which reparations are nearly impossible (Coates 2017). The cases that Coates presents in his essay fall short of promise for reparations that adequately redress the violence wrought by slavery, and although he knows and expresses this in the chapter, he almost elevates these “reparations” as legitimate by not applying critical-contextual analysis. In 1783, Belinda Sutton, after toiling on the Royall estate for fifty years, was remunerated an annual pension of 15 pounds and 12 shillings out of her master’s estate (14), but when adjusted for inflation this only amounts to just above $500. Quaker groups throughout the Northeast made “membership contingent upon compensating one’s former slaves,” so much so that in 1782 Robert Pleasants bequeathed 350 acres and a school to his 78 former slaves (4.5 acres each), and yet Coates concludes by revealing that these acts of apparent sycophancy were just offerings to “him who ‘Rules in the kingdom of men,’” not to the slaves. This is unsurprising, as the idea of “reparations” or abolition no matter the intent or impact was still outrageous in greater society, with Edward Coles and John Randolph- protégé and cousin of Thomas Jefferson respectively- freeing their slaves but being unable to convince their loved ones to do the same, especially Jefferson. While debates regarding the necessity or amount of reparations are circular in nature because the following pages explain how none of these aforementioned bequests matter when White plunder is the political climate, a closer step of analysis lies in analyzing the effectiveness of these reparations across time.

All of my sources documenting land-theft tactics by the State and White society- always in collusion- expose that most of the land bequeathed to emancipated slaves, whether before or after Lincoln’s useless address, were later levelled and plundered in the same manner that Sherman burned down Georgia. Dolores Barclay at the Associated Press finds, “Some of the land taken from black families has become a country club in Virginia, oil fields in Mississippi, a baseball spring-training facility in Florida” (Barclay & Lewan 2001), but what was taken mean? She goes on to describe just a few of the thousands of cases the AP reviewed regarding Black land-theft in 13 Southern and border states, amounting to 24,000 acres of farmland valued at tens of millions of dollars at the time of writing. Both she and Lezzie Presser at the New Yorker cite a web of racial violence as sources for this regime of both white flight and Black migration which can be summarily categorized into extralegal, but legally-backed, carnal violence in the form of lynchings, bombings, and race mobs and riots, carried out by Whitecaps, KKK, and other white citizens; and legally-enforced violence through policies such as hiers’ property rights and the Torrens’ Act that tore apart families such as that of the Reelses whom Presser invterviewed, but also the restrictive covenants and contract-lending practices that haunted Clyde Ross in Coates’ essay (Presser 7; Coates 7). These were concomitant with the speculators in Chicago “spooking [emphasis added] whites into selling cheap before the neighborhoods became black.” (Coates 27) Coates’ language is disappointingly and ahistorically passive, despite his very clear grasp of the historical chain of events. The neighborhoods did not become black, but rather the aforementioned “extralegal” carnal violence and legally-enforced violence caused the Great Migration, driving Black Southerners from cities like Savannah to cities like Chicago, where the only neighborhoods in which they could live because of restrictive covenants were ghettos or these “middle-class” neighborhoods that were being primed by these speculators and the Federal Housing Administration to be turned into ghettos. First, the speculators cause white flight from a neighborhood like North Lawndale, “hir[ing] a black woman to walk up and down the neighborhood with a stroller… or someone to call a number in the neighborhood looking for ‘Johnny Mae’,” then sell the houses to Black migrants for even more on contract: 

a predatory agreement that combined all the responsibilities of homeownership with all the disadvantages of renting while offering the benefits of neither… the seller kept the deed until the contract was paid in full and, unlike with a normal mortgage, Ross would acquire no equity in the meantime. If he missed a single payment, he would immediately forfeit his $1,000 down payment, all his monthly payments, and the property itself (Coates 7).

Then, the FHA was formed in 1934 as a vital facet of FDR’s politically lauded and allegedly all-serving, non-discriminatory New Deal programs, and all of these contract-lent neighborhoods were marked red with a D and forbade from FHA backing. They were no longer neighborhoods, but ghettoes, burnt red in the FHA’s scorched earth policy. Even the Black people lucky enough to climb the socioeconomic ladder in the South found themselves redlined, threatened, bombed, and killed, and when they migrated North in hopes of escape they only discovered the same treatment; yet KKK chapters, police departments, and white vigilantes (all citizens), were replaced with… well all those agents remained but also nonBlack but not-yet-white (or more so, not-yet-nonBlack) immigrants were eager to prove their fealty through antiBlackness. Thus, financial capital is proven ineffective for Black liberation, and the gratuitous violence is proven to permeate every rung, knocking us back down at every step. 

Works Cited

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Berry, Daina Ramey and Leslie M. Harris. Slavery and Freedom in Savannah. The University of Georgia Press, 2014, ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/socal/detail.action?docID=1653224.

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